When the first indictment of Democratic political insider Antoin "Tony" Rezko was announced, US Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald called Rezko's alleged activities a "pay-to-play scheme on steroids."Last week, southwest suburban businessman Ali Ata pleaded guilty to corruption charges. After twice donating $25,000 to Blajojevich's campaign fund, Ata accepted a $127,000 a year state job. One of the contributions was placed on a desk in Rezko's office, while Blagojevich was present.
The price to enter the pay-to-play game in the Land of Rezko appears to be $25,000. Illinois has no cap on campaign contributions, the Chicago Tribune reports, and most states prohibit contributions of that size. But leave it to corrupt Illinois not to follow some goofy fad.
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Gov. Rod Blagojevich's aggressive fundraising machine collected hundreds of $25,000 checks in a campaign effort that dwarfed his predecessors', and most of these big givers ended up benefiting from his administration.
A Tribune examination of all 235 of those donations shows that three of every four came from individuals, companies or interest groups who got something—from lucrative state contracts to coveted state board appointments to favorable policy and regulatory actions.
Donors interviewed said they gave to show their support for the first Democratic governor in a quarter-century or to get the attention of the new regime. But the Tribune found a pattern that raises new questions about possible links between campaign donations and government actions.
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While campaigning as a reformer who would end Illinois' "pay-to-play" reputation, Blagojevich relied heavily on donors with a stake in his administration. He proposed a cap on campaign contributions but has done little to pass the proposal.
Blagojevich's predecessor, Republican George Ryan, received just 14 donation of $25,000. Ryan is now serving time in the Federal Correctional Institute in Terre Haute, Indiana.
The governor has abysmally low approval numbers, and a bill to add a recall provision to the state constitution just passed the Illinois House. Its fate in the State Senate is uncertain. Emil Jones (D-Chicago) is the president of that body, and in addition to being Barack Obama's Svengali, he's a Springfield rarity--a close ally to the unpopular governor.
The Ata guilty plea seems to have triggered a trip wire among some Democrats. Common sense says that Blagojevich will be indicted on corruption charges, and one general assembly member, John Fritchey (D-Chicago), wants to form a special committee to prepare for the impeachment of "Blago."
Three of the last seven elected Illinois governors have moved from the Governor's Mansion to "the big house."
None of those three, nor the other four, nor any Illinois governor has ever bragged that he has "testicular virility."
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